Catalanism, the driving-force of Catalonia throughout the 20th century

In the third lecture, Vicenç Villatoro covers the area of culture, from Modernisme and the Noucentisme to the current cultural scene, as well as the Catalan language. In the fourth conference, Jordi Pujol analyses the political implications of Catalanism. These conferences will cover these issues from 1900 up to the present and consider the prospects for the future.

Why have we decided to embark on this historical review? Why do we believe that now is precisely an important moment to do it?

Not because we want to take stock of the situation at the turn of the new century. There are two more substantial reasons. First, because we truly believe that Catalanism was the principal driving-force behind Catalonia during the twentieth century. And that Catalonia would not be where it is today without Catalanism. Second, because some sectors doubt whether Catalan nationalism will continue to play a relevant role. Some even believe it is a spent force.

Two key questions frame the debate around whether Catalonia should or should not embark on a post-national phase.

Some countries – that are not sovereign states - enjoyed a significant economic development during the twentieth century. These countries underwent a notable social and cultural development. However, they were unable to build a country on a par with Catalonia’s projection and consistency. Another aspect is the disintegration of the great empires (those forged by Austria, Russia, Turkey and Germany) and the highly artificial Yugoslav Federation, and their corresponding nationalist movements, gave rise to the emergence during the late twentieth century of many new European states, often unexpected and unplanned by anyone, or nearly no one. Sometimes by accident. But within the framework of the stable West European states, there were regions with a strong economic growth, but virtually none of them became a country with Catalonia’s strong and unique personality, its combination of tradition and dynamism, its ability to project and influence the state it forms part of, its cultural and economic interaction, its social vitality and renovating spirit. Catalonia is a country that has maintained its own personality within a broader political framework.

If all this became possible, it was because the country had an idea, a project and principles. It had a guiding thread. Although it was not a society based solely on making money and economic development, it developed a social dynamic that understandably derived from it, from the creation of sectors to the class struggle, and increased consumption and cultural output. Nonetheless, Catalonia had more ambitious plans. It had a vocation to build a society, to configure a project, even to project a message. This is what made Catalonia stand out from the rest.

It is because there was a guiding thread, a sort of power transmission element at the service of a model of country, of a project and a message. This was known as Catalanism.

It is true though that without a robust economy, dynamic social sectors, an extremely high level of cultural and artistic expression, the Catalan nationalist movement would have had considerably less substance, potential and efficiency. Two factors contributed to this success: a political project and a tangible economic and social reality. That is, without economic growth and a social awakening Catalanism would have been something entirely different. But without an awareness of country, the desire for self-affirmation and the yearning for a historical role, Barcelona and Catalonia would be just another European city and region – yes, region - that despite an excellent GDP would have played no special role. But Catalonia did play a role.

And it is still a player. And it could continue to be one. If it wants.

This calls for – to quote an eminent professor in a recent reference to Vicenç Vives — “a collective desire to be, a shared history and a desire to continue as a people”.

This is how it was throughout the entire twentieth century. Even when Catalanism had apparently disappeared during Franco’s regime. For many, be it unconsciously, the guiding thread of the country’s collective action was sustained through this consciousness and this feeling of collectiveness and a common undertaking.

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Now some sectors are currently debating two questions: whether this is still possible, and whether it is opportune. There are some who have provided the answer or answers in advance: it is not possible, or not opportune, or it is neither possible nor opportune. And they maintain that Catalonia has already entered the post-national phase, and that this has been positive.

I know of no country in Europe – no European nation with a firmly consolidated state – that has entered the post-national phase. Let them name me one. Just one. And let them prove it. 

But perhaps we will address this issue at a later stage, after the cycle of conferences that begins tomorrow. Then will can examine whether now, in the twenty-first century, Catalanism can continue to thrive and whether it is opportune for it to be the driving-force of Catalonia.

Certainly as things stand, and especially in recent years, a certain degree of fatigue, disorientation and even some frustration has set in. And some may yearn for peace and quiet. This is understandable. In fact, we have always said that Catalonia was founded on its serene and calm fortitude and a constructive attitude. And that is how it has been until now. And it is opportune that it should continue so. But serenity and moderation have nothing to do renouncement and fatigue. They are precisely the opposite.

But as I said, we will examine this question at a later date. For the moment, we will take note that our country played a positive role during the twentieth century – Within Catalonia and without – thanks to many things, all of them driven and projected by a consciousness, a collective desire and a project. The essence of Catalanism.