The three Catalanisms

There are currently three different approaches to Catalonia’s problem.

One sector advocates a traditional nationalist criterion, which in our case has a cultural, linguistic and intellectual foundation.

The second sector holds that the key question lies in what is often referred to as a social problem. It considers that Catalonia needs fair social and economic structures. The rest will follow.

The third sector believes that it is paramount to make Catalonia economically strong. A robust economy will give it greater political weight, and the Catalan problem will be solved in large part as a result of this political and economic power.

These three approaches are partial and they have two important flaws: they leave many questions (and important ones) unresolved, and those they do address overlook the fundamentals, the primary and essential question, the only truly valid question, the only one that can justify our national movement, which is the Catalan citizenry and their need for a community.

A country should lack none of the key elements that these three sectors advocate. We might be able to do without wealth, since to a some extent we would be able to cope, but the two other elements are indispensable and indivisible.

Therefore, we need to adopt in all-encompassing concept of Catalonia. Catalonia is not solely about culture and collective awareness, nor is solely about social justice and economics. Catalonia is all of this. To work for Catalonia means to work for all of this.

There are issues that get in the way of this viewpoint. In this sense, immigration poses a number of problems, although in certain respects it is not the most serious. The existence of different social classes is of greater concern. But this obstacle is surmounted whenever a comprehensive approach is adopted. On the other hand, a nationalist movement does not necessarily embrace the totality of a country’s people. It is possible that not all immigrant sectors in Catalonia would be willing to form part of our community. Or that the country’s haute bourgeoisie would not be prepared to accept the demands for justice and, consequently, the structural changes, which the reestablishment of a people’s Catalonia would entail. The Irish ruling classes were anglophiles, even the Catholics, and Quebec does not hold sway over a large section of a city of such importance as Montreal due to anglophilia.

In the same way, Moroccan independence was achieved despite the obstacles set by the feudal Berbers, and the re-establishment of Israel was achieved despite opposition from both the more religious Jewish sectors and Marxists.

A sufficiently representative sector is required with enough authority and resolve to embody the spirit of the reality and the community’s aspirations. In our case, it must embody the desire to make Catalonia an authentic and free community, namely, a united country, founded on economic and social justice.

What we said then gained a momentum that was to play a key, constructive role in Catalonia’s development for forty years. A decisive role.

Today Catalonia is experiencing a critical moment. Critical does not necessarily imply that things are going badly – that it is losing its economic clout, its stability and social cohesion, its prestige; that it is becoming less highly regarded, falling into mediocrity; that its personality, its stability as a country is being weakened. All of this may happen. But it is avoidable.

However, we need to-readdress certain issues to prevent this from happening. Or perhaps we merely need to revitalise what for many years has been Catalonia’s driving force, impetus, transmitter of energy and enthusiasm. And we need an all-encompassing approach to our country and our society.

This cannot be accomplished from a partial or sectorial outlook. It can only be done through a global perspective. This perspective has been expressed in various ways and by different people. One example was the slogan “we are six million”, or seven.

With this article from 1964, I wish to point out that a country will not be feasible if it is not seen as a whole. It will not be workable because it will be neither fair nor consistent, nor will it have the strength or personality. Though written many years ago we believe at this moment of crisis it was opportune to recall an article that led to effective comprehensive action.