Two reflections

And there is too a lethargic social consciousness. Much poor planning. Much superficiality. Much in-fighting in the political arena and in the media. In a nutshell, sloppy political and social affairs. And little sense of responsibility of the common good and of the public interest.  By everybody.

Without so much demagogy, so much conceitedness, without so much fear to call things by their name and in general with a little more responsibility, we might not have reached the point we are at right now. And more than one had seen it coming. Some with the greatest modesty, such as this very bulletin. There were also voices of a greater weight. But no one paid any heed.

More than one had said, and repeated, that the great Spanish economic boom was fragile because it rested on four pillars of which only one had guarantees of a future. The first was construction. Spain built in one year more apartments than France, Germany and the United Kingdom combined. Naturally, this provided plenty of jobs, not only to builders, bricklayers and architects, but also to the entire industry related to building (manufacturers of electrical appliances, of furniture, of bathroom suites, of central heating systems, and a very long etcetera). Plenty of work and heaps of money. And in the land there were fat cows. But none of this helped to improve Spanish economic productivity and competitiveness. It was not a guarantee for the future. It was easy business, without any demands concerning costs or technical advances.

The second pillar was immigration. An exceptionally high rate of immigration. This provided the labour and checked rises in salaries. And the immigrants consumed and paid national insurance. All this maintained or increased the boom. Clearly, the country needed to increase somewhat its population, and this could only come from abroad. But to play this card too often, as was the case, meant to opt for an uncompetitive model of production. And eventually it would place a strain on our social umbrella. And this is now what we find.

The third pillar was spending. It is fine for a country to consume, to feel happy. Let them spend. In part, the craving to buy homes falls within this category. All this stimulates the country’s economy, its production. If people are sensible. If they do not succumb to excess. That is what happened here excessively and uncontrollably so. With the complicity of nearly everyone, from the government to the financial institutions (the question of mortgages, for example). And of the people in general. But the government is chiefly responsible.

Lastly there was, and still is, a fourth pillar, which is tourism. Of the four pillars, this is the most solid. It is true that there has been a drop in tourism, inevitable given that the crisis is also affecting the countries that send us tourists. However, despite the excesses that have taken place in the Spanish – and in the Catalan — tourism sector, it remains strong. And it will survive. But tourism alone, regardless of its quality, will not give Spain a strong economy within Europe.

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Many share the blame for what has happened. There has been general bewilderment. Not only from politicians. The business world, for example, failed to raise the alarm. As did the trade unions. As did the mass media. As did the consumer associations. There have only been complaints from some industrial sectors related to the flood of Chinese products into the market. The euphoria, verging on delirium, has been widespread, except for a few isolated voices of concern.

To give an example, those industrialists in the construction sector who three years ago were demanding two things: first, an increase rather than a curb in immigration. Because, they said, we "need more low-paid manual labour". And second, a further cut in interest rates (to this end, some even demanded pressure should be placed on Trichet, the President of the European Central Bank, who resisted). Because, they argued, more mortgages would be granted. It was all wrong. And irresponsible. There was undue haste. There was undue yearning to earn easy money.

Everyone is to blame. But the governments, by far. Since not only did they fail to slow the trend, they encouraged it. Blithely and conceitedly.

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In previous editorials we addressed the phenomenon of Spanish smugness, of the new rich. Which began towards the end of the Aznar presidency and has become the norm throughout the entire the Rodríguez Zapatero legislature. The petulant statements –petulant enough to occasionally verge on ridiculous –by the two presidents and their entourages are symptomatic of the major gaffe that has taken place, not only in the economic field, but also in many others. In the area of values – easy earnings takes precedence over real wealth creation-, in the area of ideas and of the perception of reality – believing themselves to be so self-important -  in the area of attitudes – the fostering of hedonism in detriment to effort and to the sense of responsibility.
 
Added to this, there is one other highly negative fact: virulent political confrontation, a destructive air, the shoddy quality of political action by the two main Spanish parties.

And we refer not to corruption, which is another matter. Which also harms, but which is another matter. Now we are addressing the imprudence with which the Spanish government has dealt with the crisis from its outset. Of their subsequent incoherence. Of the sensation of blitheness and lack of seriousness that it conveys. Of their not wishing to tell the truth. Of their talk of a new economic model, green and sustainable, without specifying, and as if it were as easy as trading in cars. The country cannot see the new model that is to  replace the old one. We must as well note the lack of political response from the opposition, and their equally irresponsible attitude.

All of this – I reiterate – is not solely a political problem. It is an elemental problem of political concepts and sense of responsibility. Which demands a reflection and a new political course to be charted.

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But we refer not exclusively to politicians. We have already mentioned that certain business sectors must follow likewise. And the trades unions, very influential players in our society. They must all be aware of the need to change certain practices. The business class as a whole has to make a more determined effort to work towards competitiveness and internationalisation, exporting and investing abroad. This should not be only words, and it is more possible than twenty years ago. Provided that the problem of banking credit is resolved, whose cause and solution have yet to be properly explained by the government and the financial world. At any rate, it is too late to opt for the lower paid manual labour or to complain about the Chinese or whomever else’s invasion, (which remains a real threat, at times grave, but which must be lived with and which many business people around Europe have proven can be neutralised).

And the unions need to reflect on the danger they run that the legitimate defence of the rights acquired and their likewise legitimate aspiration to improve them does not turn them into conservative social agents that obstruct reforms to the detriment of all, themselves included.

And the civil service should facilitate things. And politicians must understand that something has gone awry with their ethics. We refer not to economic corruption – despite its existence and the need to combat it – but to obstruction, to deceit, to double talk, to the desire to destroy the adversary at whatever price, to sacrifice the future for the past, or even to get out of a tight spot, albeit for a week.

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All this seems easier said than done. But not so much. Was it easier to say everything was going fine when it was going badly than not to say the whole truth and mobilise the country’s forces? When it was so evident. Would things not be so much easier now? Is the capital of confidence that was lost then very much missed now? The countries that are best handling the crisis are those in which the people continue to feel more trust in their politicians, governments and opposition.

This all calls for a deep reflection. It is urgent. And a change in practices. And in speaking. Casting aside petulance and partisan interests. An act of true penitence. As secular as they wish, but true penitence. Without deceit. It will be hard to renounce deceit when it has become common practice. We need to change.

This, applicable to Spain, is the first reflection we wanted to make. It will be Catalonia’s turn next Tuesday.