From the Constitutional Court to independence, via Quebec

A few years ago we might have been able to avoid this dilemma. Thirty or thirty- five years back, even ten years ago, a favourable interpretation of the  Constitution seemed feasible, and the positive effects of political, economic cooperation and cohesion between Catalonia and Spain seemed to be gradually forging a structure of the Spanish state that would grant a clear and consolidated recognition of Catalonia’s distinct personality. With respect and guarantee of her identity, with the powers that would truly imply self-government and with enough funding to serve her citizens satisfactorily and develop and execute ambitious collective projects. Of course, this would require a loyal and far-reaching contribution from Catalonia towards the democratic, economic, and social progress of Spain and its prestige. It is the Vicens Vives/Espriu project of which we have sometimes made mention in these editorials.

This has failed. For some years now a homogenised model has being consolidated with an extremely low competence ceiling for autonomies, that is, a deeply constrained self-government that is subjected to a growing financial stranglehold.

This altogether corresponds to the traditional conception of Spain, with its age-old aim of unified political power, centralised economy and a language and cultural uniformity of a Castilian stamp. This is the end of Catalonia as a nation with her own language, culture and conscience. Rather than overnight, this will happen in a few decades from now. And it will be carried out through a gradual process of the marginalisation and residualization of Catalanness.

Because right now it would be naïve to think that the pressure being piled on the Autonomic system, and indeed on Catalonia’s identity, self-government and economy, could be stopped with new negotiations, as some Catalan socialists pretend. At present, any change in this matter will more likely be for the worse than for better.

Thus, the only alternative to this would be independence.
                                              ---------------------
As we have often said, for many years the majority of the Catalan nationalist movement has not looked to independence. It has played its hand for autonomy with a high level of political and administrative competencies economically viable and with a guarantee of its identity. And it has rejected the demands of those sectors that called for independence. It had reasons to do so.

Now it no longer has them.

Now one can argue about viability (not of economic viability. An independent Catalonia is viable). Also about the resolve not to endanger the internal cohesion of Catalonia. But even this argument has been weakened as the discriminatory economic treatment becomes increasingly more evident, with its social and human repercussions. Now there are no political arguments and even fewer sentimental ones. Or economic ones.

Independence is difficult to achieve. The alternative, the one imposed by Spain, the Spanish parties and Spanish Institutions is not difficult; it’s merely tantamount to surrender. And to accept the marginalisation and downfall of Catalonia. So it’s easy. But it would mean our collective demise.

Should it to come to it, people who previously never dreamt of it would vote for independence.

                                              ------------------------

There could have been a way of avoiding this situation. This would have been to accept Catalonia as people with its own personality, with a right to be respected and considered as such. And this was possible within Spain.

But this would have required, first and foremost, not denying the facts. And justice. And, therefore, not denying Catalonia the right to have her own identity and an autonomous government befitting her History and her vocation. Which would have been possible even though the Constitution eventually incorporated a homogenised autonomy system, because it left the door open to differential traits. A door that was soon slammed shut (with the exception of the historic rights of the Basque Country and Navarra, and the corresponding agreements).

                                             ---------------------------

But now it is generally agreed that the “coffee” for all” policy was an error, and worse still has been the way in which it was carried out, and how its implementation is to be concluded. This is what people, high-ranking members of both the PSOE and the PP, are saying in public. Only yesterday Bono said as much. What a surprise. Some, few at present, even suggest that perhaps there might be a way of re-addressing the situation. They say, for example, that it’s time to accept that “Catalonia is Spain’s Quebec”.

Quebec in Canada would not feel good or correctly dealt with if it were placed on a par with Alberta, Labrador, Ontario or British Columbia, English-speaking territories and of entirely different historical origins than that of Québec.

This would have been a good solution at the time. Is it possible now?

At any rate, between independence and being the Spanish Quebec, many people would vote the latter. But it may well be that for Spain the status of Quebec is as unacceptable as independence.

While we await the day of a hypothetical officially binding referendum, the Catalans do have one clear objective:  to strengthen ourselves internally. We need to strengthen our economy, our cultural creativity, our civil society. Without expecting any help or justice. Yet with the confidence we have in one fact: in Catalonia we have a country. There are people with initiatives. Now as well, despite the crisis and Spanish hostility. And if we have a country we have a future. And day by day the country will use its right to decide.